Chapter IV THE MUSLIMS OF COROMANDEL

lslam took root in South lndia well before the waves of invasions from Central
Asia which gave rise to Medieval Muslim Sultanate in North India. The early spread
of lslam was associated with the expansion of South India's wide ranging maritime
trade network. Arab Muslim traders and navigators settled along the east coast of
the peninsula - Coromandel - as early as elghth century A.D. and their number
increased as the region began to play a central role in the international trade which
linked South lndia to the enterpots of West Asia and international archipelago1.
A chain of Muslim trading settlements grew up along the east coast from
Pulicat to Colochal in Kanniyakumari. Many of these richest settlements were
located in the coastal towns of Thanjavur. Ramanathapuram, and Thirunelveli districts.
They had links with wider trading world of Arabian peninsula and the lndian ocean.
The port towns of Coromandel coast came to be identified as centres of formal lslam
in South India by 12-13th centuries. The localities such as Pulicat, Nagapattanam,
K~lakkarai and Kayalpattanam contained significant number of Tamil speaking Muslims
who could be classed as permanently professing lslam and were actually recognised
as such within the wider society2.
The beginning of the Muslim contact with South lndia was not an accident but
a continuation of the ancient commercial intercourse between the Arabs and the
people of South India. From the days of Joseph to that of Marcopolo and Vasco da
gama, the Arabs were the captains of lndian commerce. Much of the lndian trade
was in their hands. Because of the proximity of Southern Arabia to the sea and it's
strategic locatlon on the lndian route, rare and highly priced products of India,
China, and Ethiopia found their way here in transit to the western marts. Here were
produced splces, and other aromata for seasoning food or for burning in the ceremonies
of the courts and rituals, the foremost among them was incense, the most precious
commodity of ancient trade. Arab writer, Ibn Fadbullah-ul- Omari (circa 1348 A.D.)
the author of Masallk - kul - alzar, while writing about lndia says that it's seas are
pearls, it's mountains are rubies and it's trees are perfumes3.
The Arabs, being the great traffickers had access to both lndian and western
ports. After third century B.C. vast of the lndian commerce fell at the hands of the
Arabs. It Is also possible to assume that the South lndian Parava fishermen cum
merchants took the South Indian articles in their vessels to the Persian gulf. The Arab
took such goods to the! coasts of Africa. From there it was taken via upper Ni to Egypt4
The flowing trade of the Arabs in lndian and Chinese articles enabled them to
establish their colonies in Southeast Africa and South lndia and capture the monopoly
of trade in the ports of these region. It is generally believed that from vey ancient
times, the Greeks and Romans were trading in lndian ocean ports. It may be noted
that the Greek writers of second and first century B.C. do not allude to Egyptian
and Greek merchants sailing to and from India. While Pliny (79 A.D.) and Periplus
(88 A.D.) have copious reference to Arab trade in the first century A.D., but they
have only casual reference about the Roman ships moving across the lndian ocean.
According to Pliny the Romans used to purchase lndian articles from Arabs
In about 77 A.D. in Southeast Arabian marts5. Periplus mentions about Greek
ships along with abudant Arab ships in the port of ~uziris~E.v en for such a traffic
the Romans had to keep the Arabs in good humour and the Romans were able to
send their cargoes to lndia only with the help of such Arab mariners which can be
seen from the fact that the Romans were sending presents very often to the rulers
of ~rabla'. The Greeks did not enjoy much favour from 1ndians8. Aden was
occupied with a colony of Egyptians and Greeks and the monsoon was discoverd for
Romans by Hippalus an Egyptian pilot. Because of this a large number of ships left
for the East from den^. Ptolemy who wrote his treatise on geography in the
middle of the second century A.D. does not mention the Greek or the Romans as
sailing t o the South lndian ports though he gives a detailed account of Tamil
Country. On the other hand he mentions Mokha (Mocha) in Southern Arabia as the
great emporium of trade for South lndian lu~uries'~.
Thus the Arabs had commercial intercourse with South lndia from remote
antiquity tlll the birth of Islam, unhampered by any power though with varylng
degree of intensity. There was no scope for Greeks and Romans to develop their
maritime trade in lndian Ocean except for a brief span in the middle of the first
century A.D. when the Romans took Egypt. Even that may not be called direct
trade as they had to depend upon the Arab mariners for guidance in their voyages
and they purchased most of the lndian goods from Arab traders. Geographically the
Greeks had no direct and short sea route to lndia and they had to cross the Arab
countries by land to reach India.
The Sangam literatures of the ancient Tamil country which are assigned to
the second century A.D. speak much about a class of people called 'Yavanas'. The
Yavanar are mentioned as traders, soldiers and artisans, in literature llke Ahananuru,
M~~llnlppattuN,c d~~nnlvndnl,Prr~~mpnnnrr~~ppnMinInalim,e knlnl, Mnd~~rnlknnrhi,
Prrungalhal, seevayari11ll1a1l1ar1ai nd Silappadl~lkara~~~l'
Scholars usualy interpret the word 'Yavanas' as Greeks and Romans. Some scholars
extend it's application to all those who came from the west whether as intruders or as
traders. It is also said that the word Yavana originates from lonian, the People lonian seas
meaning the ~reeks". It seems to be a wry hard derivation for the purpose identifying
the Yavanas with Greeks. Shahibul Qamus the well known lexinographer of Arabic
language defines the word Yavana as a place name in Yaman in South Arabia.
Yunan is a place near Ballaback, in Syria. The Yavan which stood as a
place name must have been the stronghold of Yavanas. A Muslim tribe in south
west province of China, was known as Yunnan Chinese writers called the Khalifa of Bagdad
as the King of Yunnan13. According to Ceyiones tradition people who frequented the silk
route, before the Arabs, were known as Yonas, a sibling of Semitic ethnicityI4 . In some
old Tamil poems, Yavanam is said to be one of the fiftysix countries around lndia and it
denotes ~rabia'~T. he well known medical system of Arabia is "Unani" and it is prevalent
in the same name even to this day.
The horse trade of Arabs in the early centuries of christian era is well known16. No
Greek writer has mentioned that the Greeks and Romans exported horses to South India.
The list of Periplus on the goods exported from Egypt, does not include horses. Whereas
Arabs were pioneem in horse trade, and the Arab breed of horses were rated best.
The principal imports of the Arabs were cloth, gold, emarald, coral, wine, silk, furs,
swords. Rose water, date and horses and exports were precious stones, pearls, crystals.
odiferpus wood, cotton, silk, elephants, pepper, lead, camphor, cardamum, clove, nutmug,
orange, lemon and betel leaf.
The Roman trade with South lndia is evinced by the find of Roman coins in many
parts of south India. These coins range frorn the time of Augustus to Antonius ( 27 B.C. to
161 A.D.). But is it correct to suppose that these coins came to lndia only as a result of
the direct contact of the Romans? The only inference that we can draw from these finds
is that the south lndlan articles passed on to the Roman occupied territories. We know that
for centuries, the Arabs were the middlemen of south seas and they used foreign gold coins
as medium of exchange. It is also known that from Pliny and Periplus that the Romans even
in the prime of their power were not able to excert their influence owr Indian trade which
remained mostly in the hands of the Arabs.Hence there is good ground to suppose that the
Roman coins found in South lndia were brought by the Arabs who planted their colonies
here as early as second century B.C. and not exclusively by Roman as commonly held.
Further it may be noted that the Himayarite Arabs wre found to have minted coins on the
Roman model and these coins imitate the Roman coins found in South India. It is therefore
possible to assume that most of the Roman coins found in South lndia were perhaps minted
at by the South Arabian themselves".
Some Tamil terms of South lndian articles of trade such as Arisi (rice) lnchi @inger)
pipeli (pepper) etc., were freely borrowed by the Greeks. But it will be seen that these
words have their, traces in Arabic language since they passed on through this medium.
From the foregoing discussions we can draw an inference that the word Yavana may
denote the Arabs. The " Yavanacheri" (Yavana colony) of Pemmgathai, the Tamil classic,
can be said to be Agartharsida's Arab colonies of South lndiaIs. These colonies were
situated in the port towns. The Arabic form of port town is Bandar. (Mohamed Bandar,
Shahidu Bandar) we find this word in Sangam Tamil literature to describe the ports like
Kodumanal, as it was named and called by the ~rabs'? Hence we are lead to a safe
conclusion that the Yavanas of Sangam literatures were the Arabs.
The Arabs came as traders and not as conquerers and they accomodated readily to
the condition of the localities where profitable trade could be pursued. They settled under
the protection of the authorities and acquired a privileged position. The Arabs were
ve~tikin many skills and knowledge in many spheres of learning - as tmders, manufacturers,
navigators, warriors, geographers and as a scholars. The navigator Ibn Majid who conducted
Vasco da gama from the east coast of Africa to Calicut, was a mariner, a merchant and a
geographer who had compiled his own star atlas 'O. The Arab settlements in South lndia
after the birth of Islam, were conglormerate of Persians. Arabs, and Abyssinians, all
Islamised, speaking Arab tongue, have for the sake of convenience been designated as
Arabs who dominated the Indian region silk route ".
The Arab merchants who came to the coastal region of peninsular lndia for the
Purpose of trade either contracted marriage or settled in their places of adoption and
married local woman temporarly or permanently. The Arab mariners must haw practised
a Sort of Muta Marriage (temporary marriage with a woman for a stipulated period) while
they were in the ports of South India. They usually married a local woman and stayed with
her for a few weeks or months. Thus the advantage was two fold; they secured not only a
wife but also a pbce for board and lodge. The chiiren born out of such maniages belonged
to mother's stock and remained wlth the mothe?*. Thus the Arab colonies swelled in the
coastal towns.
The Arab seafarers redoubled their efforts at oceanic commerce after the advent of
lslam in the 7th century A.D. These traders Islamised, continuing the contacts of the pre-
Islamic days settled in many ports of the western and eastern coasts. Thus large muslim
communities came into existence through the marriage of local women to Arab Muslim
sailors and merchants and grew further through local conversions made by thew merchant
missionaries. The women they consorted with and the people whom they converted
belonged to different cultures but as Muslims they developed into a distinct community.
Owing to the link of the Arab merchants between Arabia and lndia and Ceylon, from
very early times "the Mohamedan influence in Southern lndia and Ceylon dates back almost
to the very inception of Islam" 23. The companions of Prophet Moharned, Tharnirnul Ansari
(Rali) and Mohamed Ukassa (Rali) migrated to the Indian coasts as zealous missionaries and
settled in the eastern coast. Their tombs are at Kovalam and PorotoNovo respedively, The
tombs of the other earliest missionaries such as that of Kassim (Wali) A.H. 4/624 A.D., and
Abdul Rahiman (Wall) A.H. 8/628 A.D. are found in Kottaru (Kanniyakumari District) and
Kottharisa Hills (Thirunelveli District) respectively. lslam slowly prenetrated in to the
hinterland also. At the Chola capital Uraiyur, (modern Tiruchirappalli) the earliest mosque
in Tamil Nadu can be seen. It is near the Kottai Railway Station in Tiruchirappalli town in
the form of a small mandapam and the Arabic inscription here informs us that it was built
by one Abdulla Bin Mohamed Anwar in A.H. 116/734 A.D.. So lslam got a firm footing
on the Coromandel Coast and it's hinterland even in the early years of ~ijira~~.
The native Hindu rulers of South lndia like Rashtrakutas. Kakathias, Hoysalas,
Pandyas and Zamorines encouraged settlements of the Muslim traders in their dominions
offering special concessions and inducements because of the profitable foreign trade.
Further, the Arabs were favoured because they supplied to the South Indian states, horse
for their cavalry and men for manning thelr ships. In return the rulers assured safty to their
merchandise and person. The Zamorine even gave them freedom to convert his subjects
to Islam. He issued an edict that in order to get sufficient number of Muslims to man his
naw, one or more male mmhn of the Hindu fisherrnon should be brought up as ~uslims~~
The Governments at the eastern coast also persued similar enlightened policy towards the
Arabs, and the port tourns became welcome places to themzG. Because of the Arab Muslim
intercourse, the ports of Coromandel commanded an extensive coastal and seaborne
trade27.
As the Arab Muslim merchants settlements multiplied, in the course of time, they
became an integral part of the populadon. They added a new pattern for culture and a new
channkl for intellectual commerce. The Arab merchants enjoyed the liberty of preaching
their faith, to the natives. In this with a dual role in mind they moved close to the lowest
classes to whom Islam symbolised emancipation, equality and prosperity. To the efforts of
these merchant missionaries are to be ascribed the formation of the earliest community of
Indian ~uslirrs~T.h us these traders cum preachers did much for the spread of Islam. They
also brought with them Mullas, Sufis, Mystics and other religious teachers.
These Missionaries flourished on the evils of the Hindu society. The rigid caste
system inflicted inequality, injustice and inequity on the low caste people. They were
untouchables, never to rise In economic and social status and often harassed by the high
caste people. With conversion, they entered the brotherhood of Islam, free from bondage
and harassment with opportunity for uplift. Hence the preachings of Islam drew blocks of
native people to it's fold and thus the Arab Muslim colonies on the coasts of South India
swelled both by increase in the number of Arab immigrants in persuit of trade and by the
inter related process of inter marriage and conversion. Ram Gopal has rightly pointed out
"As a knife goes into a melon without much effort, x, did Islam, penetrate in to South Indian
castes"29. Thus the Arab migrants of the early centuries of Hijira, stand as the progenetors
of early Islamic communities of South India.
The Mushrn population which integrated in the local society were influenced by Tamil
culture. The early name "Yavana" disappeared from common usage and the Muslims of the
east coast were known better, as Sonakar, or Jonakar (also in the same name in Malabar),
Thurukkar or Thulukkan (in Coromandel). Epigraphs and literatures of the period from
8-9th centuries have innumerable reference on the community.
SONAKAR
The early Tamil name of the Muslims was Sonakar or Sonakan or Jonakan.
Thivakaranigandu (treatise on synanyms and meaning of Tamil words) of 8th century calls
the Yavanas as Sonakar. Pingalanthai Nigandu of a little later period also confirms this3'.
The commentator Nachlnarklniyar of Pathupattu, the Sangam poetry, uses the word Sonagan
her ever the word Yawa
In Sinhalise tradition, the Yavanas were called Yonakas based on Pal1 Yonna, meaning
Arabs. Later the word Yonakar corrupted in to Sonakar and the Sonakars were
recognised as the descendents of the Arabs. So Yonakar and the Sonakar were used
to denote the same people. In ceylon Sonakar street is also known as
Yonakar street or Yon street even to this day. The official records of Ceylon called the
Muslims population in Ceylon, as Sonakar. The earliest settlers among the Muslims of
Ceylon are called as Ceylon Sonakar and the recent South Indian Muslim migrants are
known as Indian soWz. In MalayaJam tradition also Yonaka stands for Sonaka. Sodem
in Tamil stands for Arabia.
An inscription of Raja Raja I in Thanjavur Big Temple mentions a Muslim merchant
by name Sonakan Samur Paramch~thi~A~n.o ther inscription of the same temple gives the
name of an ornament as "Sonakan Sidd~kkuA~n~ i nscription of Maravarman Sundara
Pandia (1238 - 1257) mentions a mosque as Sonaka Palli (Palli-Mosque)%. We find ample
references about Sonakars in Tamil literatu~es~A~ .f olk dance of Tamil Nadu was called as
Sonaka Manjari. The Arabs, later the early Muslims, were considered to be foreigners and
a tax was collected from them known as "Sonaka Vari"38 Many other inscriptions also
mention Sonakarss9.
Thus the Muslim population of Coromandel, from eighth century, came to be called
as Sonakars. It is also interesting to note that the Mapilla's of Malabar were known as
Sonaka Mapillas. Francis while writing about the Muslims of South Arcot district says that
the term Sonagan applied (to both Labbais and Marakkayars) in the districPO. The Marakkayan
of Ramanathapuram coast were known by the name Sonakar even in the last quarter of the
nineteenth centuty according to a family document of the year 1881. (document No.535/
1881 registered Ramanathapuram Registration office).
The remnants of the word Sonakar can be seen even to this day in the Muslim society
of Coromandel. Muslims who are engaged in fishing activities go by the name Sonakan in
many coastal vlllages and their habitation settlement is called Sonakavadi. They are
considered to be in the lower strata of the present day Muslim sociehpl. There are place
names wch as Sonakan Viki (Thinmelveli district) Sonakan Paffl ( Ramanathapuram district).
The old name of Kayalpattanam was Sonagapattanam. There are Sonakan streets in
Cuddalore, Tuticorln, Kayalpattanam. PortoNovo, Thondi. Manadapam, Vedalai and
Kilakkarai.2. The long association of the Sonakars in the seafaring activities is suggested
by the name of the fish like Sonakan Thirukkai (String ray) Sonakan Valai (Trichiurus
muticus) and Sonagankezhuthi (Macronus punctatus)".
THULUKKAR
The Muslims of Coromandel were also called as Thulukkar, along with Sonakar.
Thulukkar, means the native of Turkey. Though all the Muslims who frequented Coromandel
Coast had not come from Turkey, this term is vey commonly and popularly applied to all
the Muslims by the fellow Hindus. While the word Sonagan is very sparcely used, Tulukkan
is in popular use even to this day44.
Adiyarkkunallar the commentator of Silappadhikaram translates the word "Yavana"
as Yavanathurukkar. Several Tamil literatures of later period also refer to the Muslims as
~hulukkar~A. ccording to some scholars the word Thurushka came into use right from
second century A.D since emperor Kanishka was Thurushka by ethnicity as mentioned in
Kalphana's ~ajatharangini~S~a.n skrit and Telugu literatures give the term Thurushka for
Thumkkar. The Pmsasthis of Vijayanagar kings Include titles like Thulukka moham thavirthan,
Thulukka thalavipadan etc., (i.e those who defeated ~uslims~'.) The Sultanate of Madurai
in (14 th centuy) was called Thulukkaniam and Thulukka avanam4'. Thulukkar settlements
were called ~hulukkanam~~.
Thulukkar and Thulukkan are w y well rooted words in the Coromandel society to
call Muslims, and this influence can be seen in all the spheres of life. Thulukkappoo (flower)
Thulukkasamanthi (African Merigold) Thulukkamalligai, Thulukkappasali (Besella green)
Thulukkappalaru (KLdnq, Bean) Thulukka Kathazhai. There are place names like Thulukkanpatti
(Virdunagar Tk) Thulukkankulam (Aruppukkottai Tk) Thulukkankurichi (Mudukulathur Tk)
Thulukka Muthu (Avinasi Tk), Thulukkathandalam (Kanchipuram Tk).
ANJUVANNAM
In earlier times, the Muslim settlements of the coastal towns functioned as
a Wid for themselves, like the merchant guilds of the Hindus like Ainoorravar.
and ValanJlar . The name Anjuvannam found in some copper plates and inscriptions
of 12-13th century A.D. along with the names of other merchant guilds is considered
to be the merchant guild of the Muslims. Anjuvannam is a Persian word meaning
assembly or congregation. An old mosque in Thenkasi (Thirunelveli Dt) is
called "Anjuvannam Pallivasal" (mosque) even to this day. Scholars like
Burnel believed it to be the guild of Jews or Christians. But we find the name
Anjuvannam in the earliest Islamic Tamil literature, Palsandamalai (15th century A.D.)
which makes it clear that it denotes the Muslim merchant guild. Such merchant guilds
functioned from Kottayam, Thirthandathanapuram and Nagapattanam. So the Muslim
merchants of the early settlements functioned as a guild for the promotion of their tradiig
actl~itles~~.
The Socii Segments of the Muslims of Coromandel
The M~ulimof Coromandel coast are socially organised themselves h to segments
or sub-dlvlsions. They are Rawthar. Labbai, Marakkayar and Deccanl. Mattison Mines
includes Kayalar to this list5'. The Marakkayars who migrated from Kayalpattanam area are
called as Kayak in other pkces for easy rewgnltion. It is essentially a te~titorial identification.
When compared with the meaning and titles of other sub divisions, the Kayak sub division
seems to be superfluous. In the census report of 1891 of Madras Presidency some more
peculiar nib divisions among the Muslim are also given such as Puliankudiyar, Elayankdiyar,
Musiriar, Vaigaikaraiyar, all denoting the place name from where they hailsz. These
territorial identifications cannot be construded as social segments since such territorial
identification is very common even among the Hindu castes and tribes. Hence Mattison
Mine's inclusion of the Kayalar as the social segment of the Muslims of Tamil Nadu needs
a correction.
The social segments of the Muslims such as Rawthar, Labbai, Marakkayar
and Deccanl cannot be called as castes nor are they classes. (Caste is a disinctlve
feature of Hinduism and has no place in Islam). Social incompatibility with regard
to either to Intermarriage or interdlning whether due to difference in race, occupation
or geographical position is one of the most essential attributes of caste). No such
character~stic elements are met with among these segments of the Muslims
since there is no bar for interdining and intermarriage.Further they are not
heirarchlally ranked like castes as all subdivisions are equal. But it Is extremely
difficult to distinguish one from another as they merge with each other. Despite
distinctions of the sub divisions or segments the profession of Islam is a single
distinctive religion to all of them.
The names of these sub divisions are rather occupational titles. It is behaviorally
diffucult to distinguish the sub divisions on the basis of the occupational distinctions.
The facts relating to their origin indicate their occupational factorss3. The
above social segments are in vogue for a very long time. These occupational
titles ' are intermingled with one another. For example, the Labbai boatmen call
themselves ~arakayars~'E. ach segment or subdivision has a very fascinating derivasions
to the origin of the name. An attempt is made in the following pages to trace the
etymology and sequence of these occupational titles of the Coromandel Muslim society.


RAWTHAR


A subdi~ision of the Tamil speaking Muslim society are called as Rawthar because
of their association with hone trade, horse riding and training.
The flourishing horse trade between Arabia and east coast is referred to in the
Sangam ~teratures~D~u.ri ng the madieval ages, the ports of Kilakkarai, Devipattanam
and Kayalpattanam were busy centres for trade in horses. Marcopolo, Ibn Batuta, Wassaf
and Rashiduddtn give dehkd accounts of horse trade in the Coromandel ports. The traders
on horse were called " Kudirai Chettis" in inscriptions,56 irrespective of their religion.
Rawthar is generally stood for horsemen5'. Even Hindu ~lerasn d soldiers were
adorned with the title Rawthar. The Sanskri!&d form of horseman is " Rahootha " as fwnd
in epigraphs58. Some of the Telugu rulers bore the title Rahootha ~a~aOnne~ o~f th.e
Uties of Raja Raja was Rahoothamindan". In an inscription of 1510 the name of one of
the rulers of Kongu country is given as Paravatha ~awthar~lS.o me mirasdars in Thanjaw
district in 17-18th century had the title Rawthar and they are said to be expert horse
riders6P. Some of the Telugu speaking people in Tamil Nadu are called " Ravuth ",
which is considered to be a subcaste of Balija. It is also the title of some ~annadi~as~~.
These people might be the descendants of the soldiers employed in the military of
Vijayanagar as horsemen or associated with horse tiding or trade. It is interesting to note
that the women folk of the Ravuth families follow some custom similar to that of Rawthar
(Muslim) women.
The well known byend ol the Slva Salnt Manlkkavasclgar of the elghth century A.D.
is connected wlth the purchase of horses for the Pandya king. In that the Lord Siva who
appeared in diguise as a horseman to protect Manickavasagar and he is called by the name
~awthar~L~o.rd Muruga is praised as Rawthar by saint ~runa~iriT.h~us~ t he term
Rawthar was also being used as a title of respect and honour.
Anyhow, " Rabithu " in Arabic, ' Ravuth " in Telugu "Raw in Tamil. " Rahootha"
in Sanskrit - all terms are titles connected with horse traders, cavalry soldiers, horse riding
or training and this title was applied to all those who were connected with these activities;
later it came to be retained by a section of Tamil spedkng Muslims only. Thurston says that
it was the title of Jonaga Muslims. When the horse trade was brisk, some of the Arabs and
Persians might haw been employed in the service of the local rulers to train the horses and
for their unkeep. Those who stayed in Coromandel Coast and the hinterland courts of the
rulers, chieftains and Zamindars, for this purpose, might have contracted matrimonial
alliances with native women and their descendants came to be called as Ravuthar or
Rawthar. Mattison Mine's averment that the Rawthar and Labbai " do not claim any Arab
ancestry " is not correctb6.
Though the present day Rawthar Muslims are without horses and activities connected
with it, the title Rawthar stayed among them and was faithfully followed to this day. There
are many place names like Rawthamatham (Kallakurichi Tk) Rawthanpatti (Kulithalai Tk)
Rawthan Vayal (Pudukkottai Dt) Rawthanpalayam (Thiruneiveli Tk). These places might
have been their early settlements or their stronghold. They remember their ancient trade
and heroic valour in their marriage ceremonies and the bridegroom is conducted in prodon
On a horse. But this practice is fast disappearing.
At prosent there are many wealthy Rawthar Muslims engaged in different trades in
the coastal towns and as well as in the hinterland.
Labbai is another general term used to denote the Tamil speaking Muslims. The
census report of 1881, says that " the Labbak are knwm as Coromandel Moplas, with slight
admlxure of Amb blood and also natlw converts, they are thrifty. industrious and enterprising,
plucky mariners and expert traders and they are distinct from ~arakka~ars~T'.h ey are
also called as merchant Mohamedans. The census report of 1891 describes them as a
mixed class of people consisting partly compulsory converts to lslam made by the early
Muslim invaders and Tippu Sultan 68. It is a fact that vast majority of Indian Muslims are
converts. It is said that force was used on several occasions but the existing historical
ev~dances does not enable us to estimate either the scale or the effectiveness of such
conversion^^^. The myth that lslam was spread by force with sword in one hand
and the Quran on the other have no substance with regard to Coromandel
Coast. Here the propagatlon of lslam was the achievement of peaceful traders
and pious sufi missionaries.
The word Labbai seems to be of recent origin, for, in Tamil Lexicon this segment of
the Muslims is denoted as Sonagan. The Labbais were textiles and mat weavers in inland,
and ship crews, traders in marine products and expert, divers of pearl and chank fishery in
the coastal belt. Even at present, both Labbai men and women in some areas earn their
living by weaving korai mat. The Manual of Adminiition of Madras Prsidency points out
"The Lubbys are exceedingly industrious and enterprising in their habits and pursuits there
being no trade or calling which they do not succeed. They are fishermen and boatmen.
They are lapidaries, weavers, dyers, jewellers, bazaarmen, boatmakers, shop owners and
merchants. Tamil is their mother tongue. In religion they are orthodox Muslims. Thurston
says that their title is Rawthar and Marakkayar" 'On. But the Marakkayars consider
themselves better than Labbais.
Col. Wllks derives the word Labbai from Arabic "Labbaik (here I am) in the sense
of a semt or s slave.". Howewr, in the strict lslamic sense, the term denotes a religious
teacher or a priest or fU& and it accords with the Hebrew word " Led " meanfng, a priest.
The Labbai-Priests, mullas and Khazis are popularly known among the
Muslims of Tamil Nadu as Lovai. It Is correct to infer It in this sense. It Is also used in the
same sew by the Indonesian ~uslims~H~o.w ever, in due course of time, thii term stayed
as the title of a subdivision of Tamil speaking Muslims alone .
But the term Labbai b very liberally used by European witers to denote most of the Mush
of Coromandel Coast. Prosperous traders and shipowners among the Marakkayars are also
mentioned as Labbais in the European trading company records, as will be described in
detail in the subsequent chapters.
" bbbai" is considered to be a class name for the purpose of educational concessions,
in Tamil Nadu at present.
MARAKKAYARS
Tho Mamkkayars are the dominant group of Muslims in the Coastal tavn of CoromKdel
in numerical strength and wealth. Their settlements are essentially urban in character.
Most of the Marakkayars are associated with seafaring and maritime activities. The
European company records contain a lot of informations about them.
The origin and meaning of the term Marakkayar has been obscured and confused
because scholars apxxiate it indiscriminately with other sutdivisions ofthe Muslims. Thurston
the authority on Castes and Tribes of wuthem India has contradicated himself while giving
definitions of various sub divisions of Muslims of Coromandel " Ravuthar or Rowthar "
accordtng to him " is a title used by Labbai and ~arakka~ar'~In. the account on Labbai
he says that " their titles are Marakkayar (Marakkalam) and Rawthar ( a horsemen)74". The
gazetteer of Ramanathapuram known as Marakayars or ~awthar".
Different scholars derive the word Marakkayar from different languages and give
various Interpretations. Francis derives the word Marakkayar from Arabic " Markab". The
Story goes that when the first batch of Muslim migrants landed ashore they were naturally
asked who they were and whence they came. In answer, they pointed their boat and
Pronounced the word " Markab " and they in consequence came to be knom to the Hindus
as Marakkayan or the people of ~arkab.'~. We are not sure how the word Markab could
corrupt as Marakkayar. The forefathers of other Muslim subdivisions alw came in boats or
marakkalams or Markab. Quadir Hussain Khan says the word should be taken from the
Arabic word Markab or Tamil word ~arakkalam~'.
Thurston again says " there is some confusion concerning the exact application of the
name Jonagan but I gather that it is applled to sea fisherman and boatmen while prosperous
traders are called Marakkayars" ". The Glossary of Madras Presidency traces the word
Marakkar, in Malayalam, Marakkalam, Mara-boat + Kar the plural termination showing
possession79. Some ingenious Marakkayars trace the term, to Egyptian Quohira or Cairo
and the Tamil word " Marai " and attribute it to their knowledge of Koran and Egyptian origin
(Maraikkahiriyor). Plausible as both these derivations are, they indicate the desire of the
Marakkayars to rise themselves in popular estimation. Their ancestors did not come from
Cairo nor could their learning have been so well known among the Tamil as to win for them
the name with such a dgnifi~ance.~~.
Strange and funny derivations of the term from the shape of the cap of Muslims
like Marakkal, a devise to measure grain and from their assumption that they were so
rich that they measured their wealth in marakkal, is also givenB1. To some Marakkayars
it is a corruption of Moraccar, or Moraccoyar, i.e. settlers from Moracco. To Logon, the
term Marakkar is an abrivation of Margakaran (follower of law) and it was applied as
a title to persons of christianity and Islam. Another Common and popular later
derivation is from MaW Rayar ; the leader or owner of maraWcakm or boat BIamkkahm
+ Rayar - Marakkalarayar) like other Araiyars like Vanatharaiyar, Vallatharaiyar,
Kalingathamiya~.~M ost of the writers who foUow this derivation, say that the Marakkayars
(Muslims) were the lords of marakka!am. Almost all the writen on Muslims use this derivation.
Nobom Karashima while citing the word Marakkalmayan found in a Tamil inscription
of eleventh century, in Sumatra (now in Jakarta Museum) would argue that the word seems
to relate to the term Marakka~ar used to denote the seafaring muslim merchants of Tamil
Nadu and Kerala coasts in later period B3. Some other writers also have referred to this
inscription and said the term marakkalanayan is the old form of the term Marakkayar the
ship owning Muslims But the term nayan or nayakan will generally mean as leader.
captain or owner. So, marakkalanayan will denote a ship owner, ship captain or a ship
commander. Kambaramayanam would call Guhan as the leader or owner of a thousand
boats. Thirukkaranapuranam, the Islamic Tamil literature of nineteenth century mentions
the curer of a ship as Mar-yan. It is our argument here that the word Mad!&nayan,
Marakkalanayakan,. Marskkalarayan etc., are general terms to denote seafaring people
includhg the Mu3lima and it does not show any relevance only to MaraWcsyan . the Muslims
as printed out by the above scholars and the origin has to be traced elsewhere".
The present day Marakkayars consider a copper plate believed to have been granted
by Jayaveera Rajagum Nayani, during nineth century, A.D., as their birth certificate, since
the word " Marakkalarayar " appears in that plate, as the title conferred upon Mohamed
Khalji, the leader of the fugitives from Kaitrun (Cairo) who settled at Kaithrunpattanam or
Kayalpattanam'. On this basis, perhaps the Marakkayars claim their descent from Egypt.
The historlclty and authenticity of this copper plate is doubtful 8'.
Khan Sahib Mohideen Kadarsha Marakkayar of Tuticorin Marakkayar Mahal, had
cirulcated a phamplet on 7.1.1919, purportedly to be the true copy of the above copper
plate.
Accordiig to the copper plate, fearing the tyranny of the Arab rulers of Misru, some
228 members, men and women and slaves under the leadership of one Mohamed Khalji,
sailed in a ship and reached Sembinadu ruled by Abirama Adiveera Raja Jayaveera Rajaguru
Nayani. KhaljI, appealed to the ruler for a copper plate grant which was issued. Since the
settlers migrated from Kaitrun, the ruler in the copper plate named the place of their
settlement as Kaltmnpattanam and the settlers were given the name Marakkalarayar, since
they came in a Marakkalam. The date of the copper plate is given as Keelaga, 798. The
new settlers were conferred with liberal land grants, tax concessions, and right in pearl
fishery in the region.
According to the explanatory note for the copper plate as glven In the phampkt that
the gerwology of the families of the settlers is traced to those of Prophet Mohamed and the
khaliphs Abubakkar, Umar, Farook and Uduman. Jayaveera Raja Gam is identified as the
Chola who ruled from Madurai as the 74th Pandya king. The terms Marakkayar and
Rawthar are derived from Marakkalarayar and Ranuvayukthar respectively. Kaitrunpattanarn
is said to be the present Kayalpattanam. The date has been calculated as April 875 A.D.
We have no information about the wisewabmk of the on& copper plate. The Mamkkayats
and Rawthars quote this copper plate in diiussions about their origin and antiquity. rext
given in the annexure).
Even a superficial scrutiny of the text of the copper plate exposes seveml anachronisms.
inaccuracies and paleographical errors. In the entire genealogy of the Pandyas there is no
reference to any Chola or Pandya by the name Jayaveera Raja Garu, whicnh denotes a
Telugu chieftain. The date 875 AD is untenable. There is no possibility of any part of Tamil
Nadu being ruled by a Telugu chieftain more or less from Madurai in the nineth century AD ,
The name of the ruler and the terms like Nayakkar and Thalavai, Urkaval. Nattukkaval.
Palayakkaval and Palayathar are paleographic anachronisms and are inconsistant with the
antiquity claimed for the copper plate. If at all this copper plate is a genuine one, if not
spurious, it should be assigned to the period of Nayak rule and could not be dated before the
sixteenth centuyaa.
The Marakkayars quote this copper plate as their birth certificate and also for
claiming antiquity of their origin, titles higher status among the fellow Muslims, political
validation for their claims and their rights in maritime activities in this soil. It is a fact that
among tho Muslims of Coromandel the population of Marakkayars was much higher. They
were also economically strong. Socialogically, a segment or a subsegment of a particular
group or community which is numerically and economically strong, will project before the
fellowmen, their status, by associating some myths and eulogy to Justify their status in the
society and thereby establishing their rights in every field of human activities.
In the similar way this copper plate might have hcan invented by the Markkayars in
a period when their claims were in question. According to the copper plate, they claim a
direct line of descendance from the Prophet Mohamed and the first four Khaliphs.
No doubt this is to enhance their ethnological superiority over other segments of Islamic
society. They have tried to quote polltlcal recognitions yiven to them by a ruler lo the
territory. They ah trace the term Marakkayar from nineth century. Above all the copper
plate contemplates their professional right In pearl fishing, salt manufacture etc.. as granted
by the rulers of the territory from a very long time. Thus a critical analysb of this copper
plate, will go to show the intention of the Marakkayars In focusing it for claiming a higher
status over the other segments, besides, to establish their professional rights in maritime
acdvitties which was threatened by the Paravas and the advent of the Europeans. Hence this
copper plate can be said to be a socialogical (folk) charter than a historical document, and
it is clearly doubtful to assign an early date i.e. 9th century, to the term Marakkayar, as
given therein.
The Sinhalese called the Arab traders as " Marakkala Mininsu" meaning a mariner
or a boatmena9. Marakkala Mininsu is a corruption of Markar mininsu. In Ceylonese coasts
the prosperous Malabaris (Sonagars) were called Markar. In the 15-16th centuries all the
prosperous Sonaga Malabaris were known under the title Markar. Markar came to be spelt
as Marakar, Marikar and Maricar at later periods. In the old family documents of the
Muslims of Ceylon their ancestors are noted as only Marican.(not Marakar). But this term
1s not in use in Ceylon at presentg0. It is interesting to note that at present many of the
Marakkayars of Karaikkal region style themselves only as "Marikan".
We have seen that the Malabaris were called in Ceylon as Marakars, and it is
commonly held to denote the people from Malabar, the Malayalam speaking region or west
coast of peninsular of India. But linguistic studies reveal a very interesting information on
this point that the Malabaris are none else than the Tamil speaking Sonagan. Two books.
Thambiran Vanakkam (1578) and Adiyar Vanakam (1586) were printed and published in
Kottayam. It was said to haw been printed in Malabari language and the script was believed
to be in Mslayalam. But when the originals were made available recently, it was found to
have been printed In Tamil and that the script is mentioned in the book itself as Malabari.
With this we come to know that Tamil language was also called as Malabari and the Tamils
as Malabarls from sixteenth centuryg'. Ananda Rangapillai the famous Dubash of Duplew,
in Pondlcheny was called as, " les chef des Malabaris ", (the chief of Tarnlls) by the French
and the natives92. So the Malabaris who bore the title Markar later Marakar are the
Coromandel Muslims.
From the indeginous records available at out disposal as at present, the authentic
reference to the word Mamkkayar Is found only Ln the first quarter of the sixteenth centuy.
The early reference to the name Marakkayar is found in the sixteenth centuy Islamic Tamil
literary work, Mihura) ~alai~It ~is. t he Portuguese records of sixteenth century which
mention very often the title of some prominent Muslim shipowners and maritime traders as
"Maracar". It is variously written in those records, as Marccar, Marcar, Mercar, Merquar.
Marcoy, Markar and Marakar. The first reference to this term in the Portuguese record is
in the year 1504.
When the Portuguese arrived In Malabar coast, they found here some people similar
to their old enemies, the Muslim (Moor) conquerors of Spain. The Portuguese called them
Moors, as named by the Spanish chronicles which is synonymous with Arabs or Sera~eans~~.
In general the Muslims were known only as Moon to the Portuguese 95. Their records also
mention the Muslims only as "Moors".The other early European records too mention the
Muslims of east coast as Coromandel ~oors~Bu~t .th e prosperous and influencial
shipowners and maritime traders were referred to under the title "Marcar" in the early
Portuguese records, such as lsmale Merquar (1504)~'cherina Marcar (1512)~' Mamale
mercar (1512)'' Pate Mercar (1557)lo0 Mouro Mayane Mercar (1553)"' and Cunhale
Mercare. These references lead us to a satisfactory clue about the etymology of the term
Marakkayar.
The Muslims of west coast who were engaged in the seafaring activities
were generally called as " Marakan" in Malayalam, meaning a sailor, steamerman.
a commander, a rank among the fishermen and Mapillas and a title given to the
Map~llas'~~D.a lgoda says that the term Maracar and Marcar (similar to Ceylonese
usage) originates from Marakan, meaning a ship commander and the title of the
Muslims of Malabar'03 The Tamil Lexicon traces the word Marakkayar from the
root word "Marakan" in ~ala~alarn'T~h~e. Palli fishermen of Telugu country
are called as Marakkallu which is equivalent to the term ~arakan'".lt will
be seen that tho early Sonaga Muslims who were active in seafaring actidties in west coast
were called as Marakan and the prosperous among them alone were called wlth respect as
"Maracar" or Marah (Maracan - singular, Maracar - honofiric plural).
The Portuguese used this plural honofiric form to address the leading Muslim traders and
ship owners, as recoded in their early records. Since the Tamil Muslims - also known as the
Malabark - were having free trade contact wlth the west coast, the title Marakar would haw
been applied to them ah. According to Mapllla tradition, the Marakkayars were originally
the maritime merchants of Cochin. The Diaries of Malabar second commission 1789 and
the Matilakam records contain instances where the title Marakkar was conferred on
distinguished Mapillas by the rulers as late as 18th centurylo6. The boat owning Muslims
of Cochii are still called as Marakar and their women are called ~ara~tathi'~'T.h us in the
long course of time, only the term Maracan ( from Malayalam) came to be spelt as Marakar,
Maricar, Marican-Maraikkayar, Marakkalarayar and Marakkayar, which in our view, seems
to be the correct etymological derivation.
Since it was the practice to call the most prosperous traders among the Jonagan or
Sonagan sea fishermen and boatman as Maracar. Infact, those in the other subdivision who
have touched the great heights in wealth and status aspire for the badge of Maracar or
Marakkayar and got admitted into the Marakkayar fold. Indeed the title was conferred on
the chosen few and not on all and sundry. Hence the Marakkayars represented the cream,
the elite of all the wbdivisions or segments in the areas where they predominate. But in the
course of time the term was more generously applied to all the coastal Muslims, irrespective
of their soclal standlng.
Among the Marakkayars of the Coromandel Coast, we find some more subgroupings
with titles Wce Thandaiyar, Nagudha, Malurni, Sukkani etc.,. They suffix these appellations
also with their names (like Marakkayar). For example, lsmail Marakkayar, Abdulkadar
Nakhuda, Abubakar Malumi, Farook Thandaiyar or Thandel, Sulaiman Sukkani etc.,.
All these titles are connected with seafaring and shipping occupation. Aini - i -
Akbari of Abul Fazal gives the following classes of personnel in the management of
the ships. Nakhuda or Nakhoda : - the owner or captain of the ship who fixes the
course of the ship. Maulim or Malumin : - the navigator, he must be acquainted with
the depth and shallow of the sea, know astronomy and guide the direction of
the ship. Tundel (Thandal, Thandel, Thandayar):- the chief sailor or buffer.
Shinng :- for superintending and landing the shii, the yardmaster, Bandan :- Accountant
Sukkanger or Sukkani :- helmsman who stears the ship according to the advice of the
rnalm:Panjmi :- Who looks out from the top of the mast, gives notice when sea, !and or
ship or stam, are sighted. T o p e , Wwm are othot hercommon sailors or IGplasis'08.
Almost all these sub titles can be seen among the Muslims of the coastal towns who all
themselver Marakkayars. There are Malumiar and Sherang streets in Nagore and other
places.
A section of Muslim Marakkayars engaged in fishing activities are also known as
Sammatis. The vessel used for fishing is called Samban, and it's captain Sambanoti, which
had corrupted to Samrnatti. The Marakkayar fisherman of Ramanathapuram coast are
called by the title Sammati also. They are known as Sammankarar in Ceylon1oq .
There are also some other interesting occupational titles among the Muslims of
Coromandel. Kodikkal bran (Betal vein growers) Achukkatti (Maken of weaving device)
Panju Kattl (Cotton labouren) Kuthimikattl Rawthar (Homemen) Yanikatti Rawthar (Elephant
mahout).
Thus the M~ITLofS C OFOrnandel Coast bilN adu) are dici6ibk into main su-N
(social segments) like Marakkayan, Rawthar and Labbai and these subdivisions are not
caste names but only titles, which are occupation oriented. There is no religious bar for
intermarriage and interdining, among these subdivisions. The only difference is that
Marakkayars are Shafii, and Labbak and Rawthars are Hanafii of the Sunnite Muslim sect.
The Muslims of present generation do not affix their age old titles and appellations
like Rawthar, Labbai and Marakkayar with their names, except for limited purposes like
marriage and educational concessions. Majority of the Marakayar businessmen who are
afluent in the society suffix "Sahib with their names instead of Marakkayar. Fofiowing their
ancient traditions, the Marakkayars of Kayalpattanam. Kilakkarai, Devipattanam,
Nagapattanarn, Adlrampattanam and other coastal towns om business concerns in various
countries.
CHOUAS
The Wrds of the Dutch, English ard Dan& trading companies refer to the Coromandel
M~as~,olo6asorChooliasingenemA].b ncstallthe~inthemedievalandrnodem
lndia can tho MuslLns of tho Cordas Chho r Chdar~"~T.h e tenn Clwb ws originany a
tenitotial name, meaning m inhabitant of Chob cwnby"'. It appM to the people of all castes and
&ions. Windue-ofdme,theM~d~mcalhdbythlstennhWon,&rmsMd
Southe& kim hbies, since mosyl Mwlims went to these counbies for hade. There are Choh
sheets in SLrgapore and &rma. There are Cholia Mush ADodaticm in &nma. Malaya and SingaporeIl2.
The Deaanis or DakhnFs or PaaKlis are the Undu spealdng people in the hintehd of Tad
country.
After the invasbn of Mohamed Bin Kasim into Ma in 712 A.D., the families of Grini, the
slaves , Khllfi. Tugbque and MugM dywt!e and the Deccani SultMs established their authotity and
nJed lndia from bdth century A.D. After the invasion of Malik Kafur in the first q&r of the farteenth
mturqr, Mudm lule extaded bqand the Vindhyas and the soh6 of the Muslim anny and dninkhton
h.?d to stay in the Gmatic region for political puposes. Their dgcendnnk came to b called as Dakldnis
(Deccanis- From Deocan) and Pattani (from Pathan) by the fellow Mwlims. Their mother tongue is
Undu. Undu !mgmge is the mhtion of Ambic, Persian and Hinhrstani languages,which was in
use among the soldiers of Muslim myan d later became an independent knguage. The Deccanis also
ht Td whkh they call " AM: 'I.
Aftortlle~oftho~tesof~,therewasalargeuah~Uonofthesepeopleto
the Arcot Subedari. They got the ptr- of the Namb. Their ckscmhb settla' in North Awt,
South Arcot ad Thanjm.ur, ThdhppUi, Mad~naai nd RKNlaj di.A fter the fall of the Nawabs
of hot they muted to rarious bades ad pmfesions nrh as tannery, cigar makhlg, rnanufm of
decomtiue wares and ornamental cloth.
The ma)u m&n mmmtmities arh as Marakhyar, la& and Rawthar are the decendants of
the Arab, whm as the DeccMls me of Tuhh or Mangdoid derent. Thqi are all orthodox Smdte5
ad profess Hanfi faith. How~ler,t hey me pat of the present day minaW Mhcom munity. %
are ako dodared as ehmtiod,~b hmdi n Tamil NaduLI3.
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7NnWa*rab I(rmrand2/, 65:l
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A.R.E.598 of 1926. S. Vaiyapurl Pillai, Kalawr KarUral; T.V. Sadaslva Pandarathar,
~ttdA@eppcuhn m& p.23; M.M Uwais and Ajamalkhan, op.clt pp.94 - 96;
A.R.E. 1926-27. pt.11
Mattison Mines, op.clt. p.161
WrHl lrsan Khan, South Indm Mhs(M adras 1910) p.60
Manlson mines, op.cit. pp - 160-161
Edgar Thdon and K. Rangachari, &es and Tn' of Wern India, Mew Mi (Rpt), 1975) N
p.495
Madmikanchl, 8-1628; Paninappalai
A R.E. 556/1904; M M. Uwaise and Ajmalkhan. op cit. I, p 51-52
InaYM Mt& muxi mmmkfion, Vd W.19 38. P85: lodm An*, Ill 1924 p 75;
E&a* Camah, W p 141, Eop@phica I&, N p.66
soulfi kdan Inruptbin, V p.428
A.R E. 442,4906
ibid. 367 of 1912; 414 of 1913.
ibid. 169 of 1910.
S.Raj, Thanw Mara!tw Mennar Seppedugd 50 Famil Uniwnity, Thanjawr 1987) p 31.
Thurston, op cit., VI, p.247.
-mt - . ..
vam
Km& Mangaram - Saint Arunagirinathar.
Manison Miner, op cit.
Madras Cem Report 1881; Thurston op cit N p. 199; A Camlteer of Southem In& wfh
Tmem pahzes and Sqapore (Madms. 1855) p.293
Madras Census Report ,1891
M Mujlb. The lndian Muz/bns (London, 1967) pp. 21-22
S.M. Kamal. &mum 7ham~+amum, op.cit p.53; T Rajaram. Rao, Man& of
Rwnamhapvam Samdsthanam (1898) p.49; Thuston, op.cit N, p.200 , 501. A Manual of
Madras, op.cit. 1 p.437.
W.Francis . op.cit, p.86
TdLmkm Vl, p.1941; &q&pda of Idam, N p 551.
Thnrrton, op.clt. VI p. 247
Ibid. lV p.193.
koer d- W,(19 72) p.161
W. Francis op.cit. p.85
Quadir Huswrin Khan, op.cit. p.23
Thurston, op.cn. V. p.4
C.D.M adsan, GbPary d h6hF~% dw , (Madras)
80. Qusdir Hussain Khan, op.clt., p.23
81. M.W Rahtm,kkmhh+phaMm.
82. Thurston, Vol. V. p. 1; N. Amir All, op.cil. p.49
8 3 Ncbo~K ararhlma, " Indian Commercial activities in Ancient Medlvai Southeast
Asia", paper presented in the Plenary Session of 8th World Tamil Conference
Seminar. Thanjawr. 1995.
8 4 . Ka. Tha. Thhmuddmraru, Z'whWdu Asia NWTh amirh hpm , . (/ /, 1987) p 326;
Y. Subbarayalu, "Sumathravil Thamizh Kalvettukal", Adranam, (Journal of Tamil Nadu
Archealogical Society, Thanlabur) No.lV. 1994. pp 116.123
85 TamU Laxicon V. W, pt. 1 p.2222. ( Nayan, Nayakan, leader conductor ) ;
Kambaramayanam 2:7:3:3-4 ( Aaylram ampikunayakan; Thl~kkaranapuranam,
(1814 AD) Buddhukal Vasanltha padalam : 6.
86 M.R.M. Atdul Rahlm, /&rn&a Malkslanchiarn, 111. p 40,; Kayalpattanam selection
grade Town Panchayat Centinary Souvenir, 1990 (ed) Kayal Mohaboob; Col wliks, Historical
zksh of .%Ah /&a (1810); S.M. Kamal, /slamurn Thamiiagamwn op.cit.pp.24-25; A K. Rifayi,
lhdd&J /+hnycpr L4mh fIhenkasi 1988) pp.5 1-52.
87 T. Jayarajan, " Social and Economic customs and Practices of Marakkayars of Tamil Nadu -
a case study of Marakkayars of Adirampattanarn " unpublished M Phil Thesis, Barathidasan
University. Tiruchirappalli. 1990 p.37.
88, ibid. pp.6-7.
89 Wunt Cube, XlX - (1945) p. 223 TB H Abeya Singah. " Muslims in Srilanka in
rtxtwnth swanteenth centuries; " Mdims of Sdanka (ed) M.M.Shukri 1986, p. 129-130
90 I.L.M. Abdul AUez, op.clt,p,lS
9 1. A.M. Samy, 1% mhuy Tamilprrmati Ma&, 1992) pp. 14-16.
92 A.R.P., Diary Vl p 381-84.
93. /W,URI/ Ma&, (1590 A.D) Stanza; 23 ; Thirukkarana Puranam (1814) &/rWlukkal
hiid~parkhm-6.
94 WModem-ia. Vlp.221
95. Hobdon and Jobson p. 581
96. S. Arasaratnam. Companies and commerce, op.cit., p 218
97 ~horob h-& A,& -m. ~.263
98 A a)Ahpw+e CdltdC I. p.58.
9 9 FbnOnmto~ca,p . 7.
100 ~&BnacqDs.Il.ll:7.
101 qrad&MVkgan,lp.295.
102.' English - Malayalam dictionary. Dr. Gundert.
103 Ghrsrvio LCpo . &&a, &&&, ll p 38; O.K. Namb~ar, The Kunjali Adrniralr of Calicut
(London. 1948) p 50.
164. Tamil Lexicon, V. p. 3082.
105 Thunton, W, op.cit. p.501.
106. A.P. lbrahlm Kun~u, 61 hf&e/ Ked History, (Kerala HLstod society),
vrivandmm 1975) P.59.
107, Flfth international lslamlc Tamil literary conference souvenir, Keelakarai, 1990, p. 176
108. Ah -1 - Akhd I, pp.190-191R;e ar Admiral K. Shran, A mar?bi-mhytory d I&
(Government of India, 1982) p.53.
109. S.M. Kamal, lalamum Thamilzgamum op.cit, p.49; A.R.E 392 of 1914;
I.L.M. Azeez, op.cit. 41, and particulars collected in field studies.
110. HobsonandJobsonp.159;FSGDiarysodconaJtabbnSoak1734-p.3;
S. Arasaratnam. Companies and Commerce, op.cit. 219.
11 1. Nannoo/, Mayilainathar Urai, p.276.
112. J.R. Vorhwven, " Some notes on the Tamil community in Dutch Malacca,
1641 - 1855 " proceedings of the flrst International Conference Seminar of Tamil
studlo., Vol I, Aprll 1968.
113 G.O.M s. No. 1298 (Public) 17-12-95G overnment of Tamil Nadu.